dc.contributor.advisor | Soetarto, Endriatmo | |
dc.contributor.advisor | Kinseng, Rilus | |
dc.contributor.advisor | Sjaf, Sofyan | |
dc.contributor.author | Dzulkarnain, Iskandar | |
dc.date.accessioned | 2021-05-07T01:29:08Z | |
dc.date.available | 2021-05-07T01:29:08Z | |
dc.date.issued | 2021-03-25 | |
dc.identifier.uri | http://repository.ipb.ac.id/handle/123456789/106748 | |
dc.description.abstract | Garam hasil produksi masyarakat Madura pada masa awal abad ke 18 – paruh kedua abad ke 19 menunjukkan bahwa semua garam Kolonialisme Belanda berasal dari Madura. Belanda melihat Madura hanya memiliki potensi perekonomian dalam bidang pegaraman. Pada masa Kolonialisme Belanda, garam Madura dikuasai secara penuh oleh Belanda bahkan dengan corak sangat monopolis, mulai dari penguasaan lahan, proses produksi, pengemasan, penjualan, maupun alat-alat produksinya. Belanda telah menikmati keuntungan yang sangat besar melalui monopoli garam Madura. Kemerdekaan Indonesia menyebabkan pengembangan industrialisasi garam berubah menjadi hak kepemilikan negara, melalui Undang-undang No. 86 tahun 1958 tentang Nasionalisasi Perusahaan-Perusahaan Milik Belanda. Hal ini menyebabkan kemerosotan industri garam Madura, dan semakin menguat kemerosotan tersebut dengan dibukanya akses impor garam yang dilakukan sejak masa Orde Baru sampai saat ini. Impor garam yang dilakukan dengan dalih tidak berkualitasnya garam produksi rakyat telah menyebabkan rendahnya serapan pemerintah terhadap garam-garam produksi masyarakat pegaraman Madura, dan tingginya kebutuhan garam setiap tahun yang tidak bisa dipenuhi oleh produksi garam rakyat maupun PT. Garam, telah menjadi alasan utama kebijakan impor dibuat (National Geographic Indonesia) (Gozan 2018).
Persoalan formasi sosial dan kesenjakalaan agraria (peluruhan) masyarakat pegaraman, sebagai akibat dari perlawanan sosial masyarakat pegaraman Madura yang disebabkan pengalihfungsian lahan, relokasi dan monopoli, telah menciptakan deindustrialisasi garam di Madura, sehingga dampaknya adalah kegagalan terjadinya kedaulatan garam. Tujuan penelitian dalam disertasi ini: 1). Menganalisis dan mendeskripsikan perlawanan sosial masyarakat pegaraman Madura, yang meliputi peran aktor-aktor sosialnya, dinamika perlawanan dalam menghadapi proses relokasi, monopoli, dan pengalihfungsian lahan yang dilakukan oleh korporasi; 2). Menganalisis dan mendeskripsikan dampak perlawanan sosial masyarakat pegaraman Madura yang melahirkan jalinan relasional kesenjakalaan agraria masyarakat pegaraman dengan kemenangan formasi sosial kapitalisme, dan 3). Menganalisis dan mendeskripsikan dampak dari perlawanan sosial masyarakat pegaraman Madura dan kemenangan formasi sosial kapitalisme, yang menyebabkan terjadinya deindustrialisasi garam, sehingga melahirkan kesenjakalaan agraria masyarakat pegaraman Madura.
Untuk menjawab tujuan penelitian tersebut, maka teori yang dipakai adalah teori deindustrialisasi, teori neo Marxian tentang formasi sosial, teori James Scott tentang perlawanan sosial, dan teori Ribot, Peluso, dan Ostrom mengenai dinamika perebutan akses, properti, dan legitimasi sumber-sumber daya garam.
Metode penelitian yang dipakai dalam disertasi ini adalah kualitatif dengan pendekatan etnografi, sehingga paradigma dalam penelitian ini adalah konstruktivisme kritis. Sumber data penelitian digali dari data primer dan sekunder. Data primer berasal dari wawancara, observasi, dan focus group discussion (FGD). Sedangkan data sekunder berasal dari kepustakaan. Tineliti dalam penelitian ini mencakup tiga, yakni masyarakat pegaraman, korporasi PT. Garam, pemerintah maupun tokoh masyarakat. Analisis datanya melalui proses reduksi data, penyajian data, dan penarikan kesimpulan, yang dilakukan sebelum, selama, dan sesudah proses penelitian. Keabsahan datanya menggunakan triangulasi dengan sumber. Penelitian ini dilakukan di Desa Pinggir Papas Kecamatan Kalianget dan Desa Gersik Putih Kecamatan Gapura Kabupaten Sumenep, mulai Bulan Maret – Bulan September 2019.
Struktur sosial masyarakat pegaraman Madura pada masa awalnya bercorak feodalistik non kapitalistik, di mana garam merupakan sumber penghidupan masyarakat pesisir Madura sebagai upaya untuk bertahan hidup (subsisten) dari keterbatasan sumber penghidupan lainnya, yakni pertanian tegalan tadah hujan. Kedatangan VOC dan Kolonialisme Belanda telah membawa garam menjadi industri kapitalistik, dengan corak monopolinya. Kemerdekaan Indonesia sejak masa Orde Lama, Orde Baru sampai Orde Reformasi ternyata merupakan periodisasi kemenangan formasi sosial kapitalistik sejak masa kolonialisme Belanda sebagai corak dalam masyarakat pegaraman Madura. Hal ini terlihat dari kebijakan-kebijakan pemerintah yang cenderung lebih berpihak kepada perusahaan-perusahaan importir garam, ketimbang garam rakyat. Ketiadaan aturan yang berpihak kepada garam rakyat dan keberpihakan terhadap pemodal, birokrat maupun perusahaan importir telah menciptakan bentuk jhâjhârân reng talangan (formasi sosial) dalam masyarakat pegaraman Madura pada masa Orde Reformasi, yakni se andhik nama.
Terbentuknya formasi sosial dalam masyarakat pegaraman Madura tidak bisa dilepaskan dari perlawanan yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat pegaraman Madura. Perlawanan ini muncul dikarenakan adanya pengalihfungsian lahan, relokasi, dan monopoli yang dilakukan terhadap masyarakat pegaraman Madura, terutama perampasan lahan yang dilakukan oleh Kolonialisme Belanda melalui ‘Reorganisasi Total’ pegaraman pada tahun 1937, dan pemerintahan Orde Baru melalui ‘Modernisasi Dan Renovasi’ pegaraman di tahun 1975.
Perlawanan masyarakat pegaraman Madura dan kemenangan formasi sosial kapitalistik telah menciptakan terjadinya ‘deindustrialisasi garam’ di Madura. Hasil produksi garam yang melimpah dengan harga murah dan bahkan tidak laku, telah memperbanyak ‘generasi muda’ masyarakat pegaraman Madura untuk mencari sumber penghidupan perekonomian lainnya di luar penghidupan pegaraman. Hal ini berdampak terhadap gejala ‘primaturisasi industri garam’, yang cenderung sangat sulit untuk mengembalikan kejayaan industri garam seperti pada masa pemerintahan Kolonialisme Belanda. Ditambah lagi dengan gejala koruptif dan ragam penyelewengan yang dilakukan oleh PT. Garam telah menjadi indikator kuat lahirnya ‘deindustrialisasi garam’. Terakhir adalah proletarianisasi masyarakat pegaraman Madura (penggarap dan buruh garam) yang sudah tidak memiliki moda produksi utama pegaraman, yakni talangan. Hal ini berdampak terhadap semakin sulitnya masyarakat pegaraman untuk lebih sejahtera bekerja di pegaraman. Proletarianisasi masyarakat pegaraman Madura telah ‘memaksa’ masyarakat Madura untuk ke luar dari Madura atau mencari penghidupan perekonomian di luar garam. | id |
dc.description.abstract | The salt produced by the Madurese people in the early 18th century - the second half of the 19th century showed that all the salt of Dutch Colonialism was produced in Madura. The Netherlands realized that the economic potential of Madura was only at salt farming sector. During the Dutch Colonialism era, Madura salt was fully controlled by the Dutch even with a very monopolistic style, starting from land control, production processes, packaging, sales, and the means of production. The Netherlands had enjoyed enormous profits through the Madura salt monopoly. Indonesian independence led to the development of industrialization of salt into state ownership rights, through Law no. 86 of 1958 concerning the Nationalization of Dutch Owned Companies. This led to a decline of the Madura salt industry, and the decline was further strengthened by the opening of access to salt imports which have been implemented since the New Order era until present time. The import of salt which is carried out on the pretext of not quality salt produced has resulted in low government absorption of salts produced by the Madurese salt farming community, and the annual high demand for salt cannot be fulfilled by the people’s salt production as well as by PT. Garam have become the main reason for the import policy (Gozan 2018).
The problem of social formation and agrarian gloom of the salt farming community, as a result of the social resistance of the Madurese salt farming community caused by land conversion, relocation and monopoly, has created a de-industrialization of salt in Madura therefore, the impact is the failure of salt sovereignty. The research objectives in this dissertation are: 1). Analyzing and describing the social resistance of the Madurese salt farming community, which includes the role of social actors, the dynamics of resistance in facing the process of relocation, monopoly, and land conversion by corporations; 2). Analyzing and describing the impact of social resistance from the Madurese salt farming community which causes the relationship between the gloomy agrarian of the salt farming community and the victory of the social formation of capitalism, and 3). Analyzing and describing the impact of the social resistance of the Madurese salt farming community and the victory of the social structure of capitalism, which led to the de-industrialization of salt causing the gloomy agrarian in the Madurese salt farming community with the failure of self-salt sufficiency.
To answer the research objectives, the theories used are the theory of deindustrialization, the neo Marxian theory of social formation, James Scott's theory of social resistance, and the theories of Ribot, Peluso, and Ostrom regarding the dynamics of struggle for access, property, and legitimacy of salt resources.
This research dissertation used qualitative method with an ethnographic approach, so that the paradigm in this research is a critical constructivism. The research data sources were extracted from primary and secondary data. Primary data were derived from interviews, observations, and focus group discussions (FGD). Meanwhile, the secondary data were derived from literatures. The subjects of this study are the salt farming community, the corporation PT. Garam, government, and community leaders. The data analyses were done through the process of data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusions, which was done before, during, and after the research process. The validity of the data used triangulation with the source. This research was conducted in Pinggir Papas Village, Kalianget District and Gersik Putih Village, Gapura District, Sumenep Regency, starting from March to September 2019.
The social structure of the Madurese salt farming community in the early days was feudalistic, non-capitalistic, where salt was a source of livelihood for the Madurese coastal community as an effort to survive from the limitations of other sources of livelihood, namely rainfed land of agriculture. The arrival of the VOC and Dutch colonialism had brought salt into a capitalistic industry, with a monopoly style. Indonesia's independence from the Old Order, the New Order to the Reformation Order turned out to be a triumphant periodization of the social formation of capitalistic from the time of Dutch colonialism as a feature of the Madurese salt farming community. This can be seen from government policies that tend to favor salt importing companies rather than ordinary people's salt. The absence of regulations that favor the salt of the people and side with investors, bureaucrats and importing companies has created a form of jhâjhârân reng talangan (social formation) in the Madurese salt farming community during the Reformation Order, namely se andhik nama.
The social formation of in the Madurese salt farming community cannot be separated from the resistance made by the Madurese salt farming community. This resistance arose due to the land conversion, relocation, and monopoly carried out on the Madurese salt farming community, especially land grabbing by Dutch Colonialism through the 'Total Reorganization' of salt farming in 1937, and the New Order government through 'Modernization and Renovation' Salt Farming in 1975.
The resistance of the Madurese salt farming community and the victory of the social formation of the capitalistic have created a 'salt de-industrialization' in Madura. The abundant salt production, which is cheap and even unsold, has increased the “younger generation” of the Madurese salt farming community to look for other economic sources of livelihood outside salt farming. This has an impact on the symptoms of 'prematurity of the salt industry', which tends to be very difficult to restore the glory of the salt industry, such as during the reign of Dutch colonialism. Coupled with the symptoms of corruption and the various forms of fraud committed by PT. Salt has been a strong indicator of 'deindustrialization of salt'. The last, the proletarianization of the Madurese salt farming community (salt farmers and laborers) namely those who are no longer have the main production mode of salt farming called talangan. This causes the more serious difficulty for the salt farming community to be more prosperous working as salt farmers. The proletarianization of the Madurese salt farming community has “forced” the Madurese people to leave Madura to earn living outside salt farming. | id |
dc.description.sponsorship | BUDI DN LPDP Kementerian Keuangan RI | id |
dc.language.iso | id | id |
dc.publisher | IPB University | id |
dc.title | Deindustrialisasi Garam: Formasi Sosial Dan Kesenjakalaan Agraria Masyarakat Pegaraman Madura | id |
dc.title.alternative | De-industrialization of Salt: Social Formation and The Gloom of Agrarian in the Salt Farming Community Madura | id |
dc.type | Dissertation | id |
dc.subject.keyword | deindustrialization | id |
dc.subject.keyword | social formation | id |
dc.subject.keyword | salt | id |
dc.subject.keyword | Madura | id |